An Overview of Pontiacs Rebellion

Beginning in 1754, the French Indian War saw British and French forces clash as both sides worked to expand their empires in North America. While the French initially won several early encounters such as the Battles of the Monongahela (1755) and Carillon (1758), the British ultimately gained the upper hand after triumphs at Louisbourg (1758), Quebec (1759), and Montreal (1760). Though fighting in Europe continued until 1763, forces under General Jeffery Amherst immediately began working to consolidate British control over New France (Canada) and the lands to the west known as the pays den haut. Comprising parts of present-day Michigan, Ontario, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the tribes of this region had largely been allied with the French during the war. Though the British made peace with the tribes of around the Great Lakes as well as those in the Ohio and Illinois Countries, the relationship remained strained. These tensions were worsened by policies implemented by Amherst which worked to treat the Native Americans as a conquered people rather than equals and neighbors. Not believing that the Native Americans could mount meaningful resistance against British forces, Amherst reduced the frontier garrisons as well as began to eliminate ritual gifts which he viewed as blackmail. He also began to restrict and block the sale of gunpowder and weapons. This latter act caused particular hardship as it limited the Native Americans ability to hunt for food and furs. Though the head of the Indian Department, Sir William Johnson, repeatedly advised against these policies, Amherst persisted in their implementation. While these directives impacted all of the Native Americans in the region, those in the Ohio Country were further angered by colonial encroachment into their lands. Moving Towards Conflict As Amhersts policies began to take effect, Native Americans living in the pays den haut began to suffer from disease and starvation. This led to the beginning of a religious revival led by Neolin (The Delaware Prophet). Preaching that the Master of Life (Great Spirit) was angered at the Native Americans for embracing European ways, he urged the tribes to cast out the British. In 1761, British forces learned that the Mingos in the Ohio Country were contemplating war. Racing to Fort Detroit, Johnson convened a large council which was able to maintain an uneasy peace. Though this lasted into 1763, the situation on the frontier continued to deteriorate. Pontiac Acts On April 27, 1763, the Ottawa leader Pontiac called members of several tribes together near Detroit. Addressing them, he was able to convince many of them to join in an attempt to capture Fort Detroit from the British. Scouting the fort on May 1, he returned a week later with 300 men carrying concealed weapons. Though Pontiac had hoped to take the fort by surprise, the British had been alerted to a possible attack and were on alert. Forced to withdraw, he elected to lay siege to the fort on May 9. Killing settlers and soldiers in the area, Pontiacs men defeated a British supply column at Point Pelee on May 28. Maintaining the siege into the summer, the Native Americans were unable to prevent Detroit from being reinforced in July. Attacking Pontiacs camp, the British were turned back at Bloody Run on July 31. As a stalemate ensured, Pontiac elected to abandon the siege in October after concluding that French aid would not be forthcoming (Map). The Frontier Erupts Learning of Pontiacs actions at Fort Detroit, tribes throughout the region began moving against the frontier forts. While the Wyandots captured and burned Fort Sandusky on May 16, Fort St. Joseph fell to the Potawatomis nine days later. On May 27, Fort Miami was taken after its commander was killed. In the Illinois Country, the garrison of Fort Ouiatenon was compelled to surrender to a combined force of Weas, Kickapoos, and Mascoutens. In early June, the Sauks and Ojibwas used a stickball game to distract British forces while they moved against Fort Michilimackinac. By the end of June 1763, Forts Venango, Le Boeuf, and Presque Isle were also lost. In the wake of these victories, Native American forces began moving against Captain Simeon Ecuyers garrison at Fort Pitt. Siege of Fort Pitt As fighting escalated, many settlers fled to Fort Pitt for safety as Delaware and Shawnee warriors raided deep into Pennsylvania and unsuccessfully struck Forts Bedford and Ligonier. Coming under siege, Fort Pitt was soon cut off. Increasingly concerned about the situation, Amherst directed that Native American prisoners be killed and inquired about the potential of spreading smallpox among the enemy population. This latter idea had already been implemented by Ecuyer who had given the besieging forces infected blankets on June 24. Though smallpox did break out among the Ohio Native Americans, the disease was already present prior Ecuyers actions. In early August, many of the Native Americans near Fort Pitt departed in an effort to destroy a relief column which was approaching. In the resulting Battle of Bushy Run, Colonel Henry Bouquets men turned back the attackers. This done, he relieved the fort on August 20. Troubles Continue The success at Fort Pitt was soon offset by a bloody defeat near Fort Niagara. On September 14, two British companies had over 100 killed at the Battle of Devils Hole when they attempted to escort a supply train to the fort. As settlers along the frontier became increasingly worried about raids, vigilante groups, such as the Paxton Boys, began to emerge. Based in Paxton, PA, this group began attacking local, friendly Native Americans and went so far as to kill fourteen that were in protective custody. Though Governor John Penn issued bounties for the culprits, they were never identified. Support for the group continued to grow in and 1764 they marched on Philadelphia. Arriving, they were prevented from doing additional damage by British troops and militia. The situation was later diffused through negotiations overseen by Benjamin Franklin. Ending the Uprising Angered by Amhersts actions, London recalled him in August 1763 and replaced him with Major General Thomas Gage. Assessing the situation, Gage moved forward with plans that had been developed by Amherst and his staff. These called for two expeditions to push into the frontier led by Bouquet and Colonel John Bradstreet. Unlike his predecessor, Gage first asked Johnson to conduct a peace council at Fort Niagara in an effort to remove some of the tribes from the conflict. Meeting in the summer of 1764, the council saw Johnson return the Senecas to the British fold. As restitution for their part in the Devils Hole engagement, they ceded the Niagara portage to the British and agreed to send a war party west. With the conclusion of the council, Bradstreet and his command began moving west across Lake Erie. Stopping at Presque Isle, he exceeded his orders by concluding a peace treaty with several of the Ohio tribes which stated that Bouquets expedition would not go forward. As Bradstreet continued west, an incensed Gage promptly repudiated the treaty. Reaching Fort Detroit, Bradstreet agreed to a treaty with local Native American leaders through which he believed them to accept British sovereignty. Departing Fort Pitt in October, Bouquet advanced to the Muskingum River. Here he entered into negotiations with several of the Ohio tribes. Isolated due to Bradstreets earlier efforts, they made peace in mid-October. Aftermath The campaigns of 1764 effectively ended the conflict,  though some calls for resistance still came from the Illinois Country and Native American leader Charlot Kaskà ©. These issues were dealt with in 1765 when Johnsons deputy, George Croghan, was able to meet with Pontiac. After extensive discussions, Pontiac agreed to come east and he concluded a formal peace treaty with Johnson at Fort Niagara in July 1766. An intense and bitter conflict, Pontiacs Rebellion ended with the British abandoning Amhersts policies and returning to those used earlier. Having recognized the inevitable conflict that would emerge between colonial expansion and the Native Americans, London issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763 which prohibited settlers from moving over the Appalachian Mountains and created a large Indian Reserve. This action was poorly received by those in the colonies and was the first of many laws issued by Parliament that would lead to the American Revolution.

Unique Perspective to Teaching Dead Poets Society Essay

In Dead Poets Society, John Keating becomes the new English teacher at Welton Academy, an esteemed school rooted in tradition, after attending as a student years ago. He teaches using an unconventional style which is different from the traditional English curriculum, and in the process, he exposes the students to a new perspective on the subject and principles for living life. Keating encourages free-thinking and condemns the textbook which prevents the students from thinking for themselves. Other individuals, including the principal, Mr. Nolan, disagree with his unconventional method of teaching and prefer that he follow a traditional method of teaching through an English textbook. The lessons that Mr. Keating presents the students†¦show more content†¦English was taught using the textbooks for many years at Welton Academy and ripping the pages from the book represents a rejection of conformity. Keating teaches without the textbook which was a central part of the original curriculum and instead attempts to teach the students to become free thinkers. An important part of becoming a free thinker is to not be influenced by another individual which in this case is Dr. Pritchard. Regarding poetry, the student must have a chance to think for themselves and not have the thoughts of others shoved down their throats by a professor. Keating’s insistence on the students ripping out the pages is reflective of Emerson’s principle that â€Å"Nothing is at last sacred but the integrity of your own mind†. When Keating has Todd Anderson compose a poem in front of the class, he reveals, to the students, Emerson’s principle that people have limitless potential. After assigning the class to write a poem, Todd comes in the following day without a completed poem. When Mr. Keating calls Todd to let out a barbaric â€Å"YAWP†, he attempts to have Todd channel his inner emotions and feelings before having his compose a poem. The words that begin to spew out of his mouth when Keating tells him to speak about the picture of Walt Whitman on the wall form a poem. Emerson, in â€Å"Self-reliance†, says that â€Å"The power which resides in him is new in nature, and none but he knows what that is which he can do,Show MoreRelated Critique of Keatings Teaching Methods in Dead Poets Society521 Words   |  3 Pages In the movie, Dead Poets Society, the basic idea of expression is being taught by Keating. Keating is a very unique instructor who uses many different methods of teaching to get the students involved, but he shows them ways to have fun also. That in itself is very unique. Keating is trying to release the emotions these students have within themselves. 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In using art to represent the artist’s beliefs, opinions, and social trends; artists also transformed into poets, philosophers, and historians. During the Renaissance, artists used a wide-range of techniques to conceal their individual beliefs. However, the techniques used by artists, tended to vary. Through this variation, art served as a means of self-expressionRead MoreAnalyzin g Mr. Keating’s Teaching Concept in Dead Poets Society from Progressivism4764 Words   |  20 Pages1 Brief Introduction of Dead Poets Society In 1959, Welton Academy is respected by the people for its dignified style at that time. The education mode there is fixed, not only monotonous but ideology shackled. However it all changed in the hands of a new teacher. John Keating’s educational method against tradition brought vitality to this school: in his classroom, he encouraged the students to stand upon the desk, to observe the world around with a different perspective; he introduced thoughtfulRead MoreAnalysis Of Stonewall Jackson Way1421 Words   |  6 PagesDesign 215 Inc., poestories.com/read/murders. Accessed 4 Sept. 2017. Edgar Allen Poe was an American poet, short story author, and editor. He grew up with financial and family issues after his mother died at a young age, and his father neglected him. Despite the adversary, he published works that defined him as the original author of horror and detective fiction. During his time period, Poe was unique because he chose to focus on the stylistic elements of writing instead of the plot. In the short storyRead More A Comparison of One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest and Dead Poets Society2182 Words   |  9 PagesCuckoos Nest Vs. 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In today’s society, artists are not starving, they are thriving and we need them to keep

The Ronald Reagan Administration Free Essays

In the year 1980, an unstable economy at home, a hostage crisis overseas, and the end of prior administrations that were not trusted at all troubled The Untied States. Ronald Reagan was elected as the oldest president at sixty-nine years old on November 4th, 1980. Reagan was born in Tampico, Illinois and before he was elected he served two terms as California governor first year starting in 1966. We will write a custom essay sample on The Ronald Reagan Administration or any similar topic only for you Order Now He served to presidential terms from 1981-1989. Reagan’s track record proved to be very strong and included welfare cuts, decreasing the number of state employees, and halting radical student protesters. Like other GOP members, Reagan came into office promising to limit the power of government and to strengthen American military power overseas. â€Å"In this present crisis,† Reagan said in his inaugural address in 1981, â€Å"government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. † He was saying that government was holding the economy back of its full potential. Ronald Reagan wasted no time in institutionalizing the new conservative creed. In 1981, after surviving an assassination attempt, Reagan pushed his plan of lower taxes which was that proved most beneficial to the rich and steep budget cuts through a tentative Congress. Additionally to that year he cut spending on social security, debilitated and weakened organized labor groups, and lived up to his campaign promises and commitments by reducing government regulations and laws that had prevented mergers while managing the banking industry. Also, in 1981 he appointed conservatives who would carry out his vision of smaller government to agencies like the EPA, his cabinet, and the courts. A big keystone was Anti-Communism of Ronald Reagan administration’s foreign policy. The Reagan Doctrine had a unstable relationship with the Soviet Union and Central America, more so than with other nations. President Reagan drove for a space-based missile system to help keep America on the offensive and, to protect ourselves from other countries trying to attack the Untied States. He also pushed for a â€Å"Caribbean Basin Initiative† in expectations of stimulation of economic growth in the United States. Many critics saw Reagan’s military tactics as illegitimate and dishonest. They disagreed with the quantity of funding relegated to military efforts in Central America. . These funds were used to intervene in Grenada and El Salvador, and aided pay an undercover war against the revolutionary government of Nicaragua. As expected from a timid Liberal Congress, funding for the Nicaraguan war was blocked. Nonetheless, the National Security Council raised the money to finance the intervention. Reagan saw the Soviets at the heart of every international dispute, from revolution in Central America to international terrorism in the Middle East. To frustrate the Soviets, Reagan called for the largest and most expensive peacetime military buildup in American history. Ronald Reagan made the Untied States of America military powers way stronger than ever, he was always trying to improve the military’s technology and weapons. He made America one of the strongest military powers when in office. With his telegenic features and extensive experience in front of a camera from his career in Hollywood, Reagan was ideally suited for politics in a growing media age. Though intellectually unaspiring and often disengaged in his leadership style, he brilliantly articulated themes of patriotism, individualism, and limited government that resonated with millions of Americans. The President worked tirelessly in effort to propel his campaign for a second term. Ronald Reagan’s victory in the 1984 presidential election underscored his political popularity which he carried 49 states and 525 electoral votes. Through his speeches he repeated his anti-Communist bombast that Soviets and Communism, as a whole, would fail. He despised the Soviets and told the country they would fail in anything against America. Ronald Reagan’s second term witnessed a radical change in U. S. and Soviet relations. He was concerned about a possible backfire against his policies; Reagan called for a â€Å"constructive working relationship† with the Kremlin. At the same time, a new leader was emerged in Mikhail Gorbachev, came into power determined to change Soviet society by introducing a series of political and economic reforms. In determination to avoid an expensive arms  race and allow economic growth to take place, Gorbachev declared a suspension, or delay, on deployment of medium range missiles in Europe and asked the United States to do the same. The result of these growths was a series of four Reagan-Gorbachev summits, which concluded in the first U. S. and Soviet treaty to reduce the number of nuclear weapons. Treaties were then worked out and caused demolition of some missiles and allowed onsite checkups and inspections to occur. This was big for both country’s’ as the missiles were demolished from attacking each other. This was one of the many huge accomplishments while Reagan was in office. The Soviet Union no longer standing the type of threat it once did, Reagan and his anti-communist attitude and mentality still did not let up. Reagan with a goal of greater participation in the third world, the military’s attention and care was soon afterward shared with the Middle East and its terrorism. Previous administrations had not been completely honest with the public as to what exactly their foreign policies involved. For this reason, great attention was turned toward President Ronald Reagan’s handling of foreign policy in 1986. That year, there was assumption of the United States trading weapons with Iran in exchange for the return of American hostages being held in Tehran. In 1986, despite a Congressional ban, Reagan approved and authorized the sale of arms to Iran. This complex arrangement’s aim was to furtively fund Nicaraguan rebels’ efforts to defeat the cruel Sandinista government, successfully stopping the spread of Communism. All this was done in an effort to send a strong message to the Soviets that further Marxist activity would not be tolerated. Reagan was not a fan of communism he was an anti-communist. He did not accept it, and always had his eyes on communist. Despite these wins over communism, Reagan’s authority was diminished and weakened in his second term by this scandal. Congressional hearings and investigation by special prosecutors led to the indictment of some of the President’s top advisers. By the conclusion of his presidency, conservatives spoke greatly of the â€Å"Reagan Revolution,† which reduced the size of the government, reduced and lowered taxes, and technically â€Å"won† the Cold War. However, some claimed that Reagan’s domestic policies forced excessive adversity on the poor and created a piercing increase and surge in homelessness around the whole country, while his extreme military spending produced an extraordinary budget deficit. People say he increased military power over economic attentions. Possibly the critical irony of Reagan’s presidency was that he improved public faith, confidence, and trust in the office of the presidency at the same time that his enormous scarcities crippled Washington’s capability to reply to demands for greater government services. Nonetheless in actuality, his anti-Communist movement led to a grander involvement in the third world, particularly in Central America, and made his point very clear that he would stop at nothing to achieve worldwide democracy. Ronald Reagan’s passionate opposing Communist rhetoric could be viewed as very debatable in its time, but events have shown he was prophetic in regards to the complexity of Soviet interior flaws. In an address to the British Parliament on June 8, 1982, Reagan declared that the Soviet Union was in the middle of a â€Å"great revolutionary crisis† and expressed hope that Communism would wind up â€Å"on the ash heap of history.† He noted the depth of Soviet economic stagnation. Which he said, â€Å"The dimensions of this failure are astounding,† and, â€Å"A country which employs one-fifth of its population in agriculture is unable to feed its own people. Over centralized, with little or no incentives, year after year the Soviet system pours its best resources into the making of instruments of destruction†. The Soviet authorities criticized this Westminster speech, one of the most important of Reagan’s presidency. Still, what Reagan had defined was no secret to numerous Communist Party officials. One of them was Gorbachev, who evoked in his memoir that he was acquainted with the â€Å"disastrous picture† of Soviet agriculture millions of acres wasted, villages abandoned, and soils ruined by pollution. It was not until after President Reagan’s two terms in office that his efforts against Communism were understood as necessary. Less than a year after Reagan left office, the Berlin Wall was knocked and the Cold War was officially over in 1991. The Soviet collapse and failure was the result of a conclusion of many events, including the Chernobyl disaster, rebellion in the Baltic republics, and the rising expectations of consumers in a socialist system that could not manufacture anything of use. Reagan was right about the Soviet collapsing. Reagan was indeed sensible in his pomposity and his Anti-Communist views. These actions on his behalf led to greater worldwide investment in democracy. Ronald Reagan was a great natural born leader. He was a great speaker and his speeches were so motive. He was one of most influential political leaders in modern American history. Reagan’s presidency was a social, ideological, and political impact for the Untied States of America. He was one of the main leaders against anti- Communism. Ronald Reagan made the country stronger in political and military wise. Reagan thought you should be able to dream big and to accomplish your dream. Ronald Reagan thought you should have the determination, courage, strength, and hope to live that big dream and make it become real. Reagan thought outside the box and wanted Americans to live with big hope with their freedom. How to cite The Ronald Reagan Administration, Papers

Perspectives of the Afterlife Essay Example For Students

Perspectives of the Afterlife Essay Perspectives of the AfterlifeSocrates, Epicures, and Cicero all viewed death and the afterlife from very different perspectives. This is possibly because of the different eras in which they lived, and their personal pursuits and beliefs. These perspectives, however are not always contradictory, but often mirror each other’s views. Socrates was of the Hellenic Age. An age in which the Greeks confidently believed that their way of life was superior to all. It was a time of pride in the poleis. Athenians participated in civic functions and rites. Public worship was incorporated into civic festivals as attitudes towards the deities changed (Text 54). Socrates launched a new era in philosophy, teaching that â€Å"Virtue is Knowledge.† Sadly, the Athenians of this era perceived, Socrates, as a threat to their way of life. His focus on human problems and his desire to empower individuals to make there own choices led to accusations of impiety and the corruption of the Athenian youth. He was sentenced to death (Text 64). The Hellenistic Age in which Epicurus lived was more racially mixed and ethically varied than Hellenic Greece (Text 79). However, the sense of belonging that characterized the Hellenic poleis was replaced by a feeling of isolation, loneliness, and even helplessness. The polis was replaced with large Hellenistic Kingdoms, rule by men who elected themselves deities (Text85). Epicurus was the founder of Epicureanism; the belief that pleasure is the highest good. He believed that only atoms and the void existed and that the gods played no active role in human affairs (Text 87). He accused the people of Rome of creating gods in there own image. He taught that a deity is an, â€Å"imperishable and blessed being,† and that the pursuit of a pleasant life meant the elimination of false ideas about the gods Text 89). Cicero was from the Roman civilization, around the Pre-Christian era. The Roman Republic had been formed; this was a republic based on a system of representatives and a separation of powers, unlike Athens direct democracy (Text 106-7). Cicero was a Roman statesman, Roman write, orator, and philosopher. He was a major figure in the last years of the republic, having been the first man who’s family was not Roman aristocracy, to have been elected into consul. He had a very distinguished political career, however, he is best known as Rome’s greatest orator and a man of letters. His writings were so great that the time he lived is often called the Age of Cicero (Text 112). He was considered an authority on the order of Plato and Aristotle. He coined the term, humanitas or humanity, meaning devotion to books, language and art (Readings 98). In the Dream of Scipio, Cicero gives insight to his views on death and the afterlife. He writes of a heaven in which, â€Å"every man who has preserved or helped his country, or makes it’s greatness even greater, is reserved a special placewhere he may enjoy an eternal life of happiness.† His god is one that is pleased by societies that are united by law and right. He writes that in death the soul escapes from the body and from what is considered life, but is actually death. So, there is no real fear in death. He says that fame and glory should not be a great concern while on earth for it is insignificant to the concerns of the soul’s discipline and the security of ones country, which lead to heaven (Readings 100-1). In his Letter to Menoeceus, Epicurus states his belief that death is nothing to fear or agonize over. He believed in the scientific atomism that denied divine intervention in human affairs, therefore, believing death was merely the atoms that make up the soul separating form the atoms that form the body and uniting with other particles to create a new form. He states that, â€Å"every good and every evil lies in sensation; but death is the privation of sensation.† He holds no belief in punishment of reward after death, heaven or hell (Hades). He says that man dreads death, â€Å"not because it will be painful when it arrives but because it pains him now as a future certainty; for that which makes no trouble for us, when it arrives is a meaningless pain when we await it.† Death is final in its extinction of consciousness (Readings 95)Socrates also believed that there was no fear in death but he also believed like Cicero, that the soul was trapped in the body and death re leased it. In the Phaedo, a narrative of what took place before Socrates’ death, Socrates is shown reasoning with his friend Simmias that philosophers are practicing dying all the time and that to practice dying and then object to death would be foolish (Readings 81). According to Socrates, a true philosopher is not concerned with the body, but with the soul, and when a man that does not care about pleasures which he has by means of the body, then he is getting very close to death. He says that, â€Å"death is, that the body separates from the soul, and remains by itself apart form the soul, and the soul, separated from the body, exists by itself apart from the body.† He believes that the body gets in the way of learning, distorting the truth. Therefore, the soul reasons best when it is completely by itself, with no senses to disturb it. â€Å"A sort of direct pathseems to take us to the conclusion that so long as we have the body with us in our enquiry, and our soul is mixed up with so great an evil, we shall never attain sufficiently what we desire, and that, we say, it the truth (Readings 82). † Philosophy is no more than the freeing and separation of the soul from the body and this is the same as death so there is nothing to fear. .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .postImageUrl , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:hover , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:visited , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:active { border:0!important; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:active , .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5 .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u9e073a47431e436ec06d154eee4f0aa5:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Eucalyptus trees EssayWhile Socrates, Epicurus, and Cicero all had different beliefs of death and the afterlife, they all seemed to share two main common bonds. The first is that death should not be feared. The second is that the soul is separate from the body whether it is immortal or not. The reason that they share these theories could be that they each shared a common bond themselves, philosophy, although Cicero was not considered a true philosopher. It is also possible that their beliefs reflected the society of the times and how society treated them directly, because of their personal pursuits in life.

Abu Ghraib A Coverage Comparison of Western and Arab Media Essay Example

Abu Ghraib: A Coverage Comparison of Western and Arab Media Essay A Coverage Comparison Analysis CNN (Western Media) vs. al Jazeera On Wednesday, April 28, 2004, a series of pictures broadcast on CBV â€Å"60 Minutes II† prompted an worldwide media frenzy that challenged America’s so-called moral superiority, complicated the fight against terror in the Middle East, crippled U. S. relations with the international community and elicited public demands for high-level accountability. The physical, psychological and sexual abuse, including torture, rape, sodomy and homicide of prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq unveiled a sobering hypocrisy when juxtaposed with the American enemy, Saddam Hussein, and the abuses he authorized at the very same prison. The powerful photos were irrefutable evidence of the U. S. military and government contractors’ guilt. In an attempt at damage control, the American government quickly launched major internal investigations into the incident. While two hundred sixty soldiers have faced punishment, only nine individuals in the military have been sentenced to jail time and eight of the nine were below the level of captain. [1] The Abu Ghraib scandal permeated war coverage for months, even taking priority over such atrocities as the attacks in Fallujah that ended with four American contractors dead, left hanging from a bridge. Although equally shocking and appalling to both the West and the Arab nations, their respective media coverage of the scandal reveals a distinct dichotomy in tone and frame. We will write a custom essay sample on Abu Ghraib: A Coverage Comparison of Western and Arab Media specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Abu Ghraib: A Coverage Comparison of Western and Arab Media specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Abu Ghraib: A Coverage Comparison of Western and Arab Media specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer These differences are rooted in each media organization’s connection to the history, politics, and culture of their individual region and therefore reinforced by the audiences they depend on. The Abu Ghraib story presented a rare opportunity for the American media to meaningfully direct public discourse regarding the war, torture and accountability, yet these questions went largely unanswered as the press succumbed to an elite-driven frame intended to contain and simplify not investigate. The dual analysis of Western media (CNN) and al Jazeera’s coverage of the scandal indentifies these moments of opportunity and creates a greater understanding of wartime media and its potential to significantly impact foreign policy and public opinion. After September 11th, 2001, an unwritten journalistic standard of patriotism arose which significantly altered news content and media frames, especially regarding war and terrorism. The consequences of this type of reporting are evident in the media’s delayed response and investigation into claims of torture at Abu Ghraib and throughout the region. As early as May 17, 2003, the New York Times reported that detainees in Basra claimed U. S. and British soldiers abused them, an exploitation that Amnesty International believes constitutes torture. A Los Angeles Times article in August of 2003 highlighted four Army reservists charged with beating Iraqi POW’s. During the months (October-December) in 2003 that the alleged abuses took place at Abu Ghraib, the Associated Press distributed a major story in November about three Iraqi POW camps, including Abu Ghraib, based on interviews with former prisoners – no major media picked it up. Then on January 13, the whistleblower, Army Spc. Joseph Darby at Abu Ghraib, reported the abuse to military investigators, prompting an investigation and one paragraph press release about the abuse. Yet again, most media outlets ignored the announcement. CNN finally picked up the story on January 21, 2004, when they reported that U. S. soldiers reportedly posed for photos with partially clothed Iraqi prisoners. Following suit, Salon magazine filed a story in March about allegations of beatings, sleep deprivation, sexual humiliation and neglect leading to deaths at Abu Ghraib. By the end of the month, the military announced that six personnel had been charged with criminal offenses. Finally, on April 28th, nearly seven months after the abuses occurred, CBS â€Å"60 Minutes II† aired the graphic photographs of what took place at Abu Ghraib. Two days later, Seymour Hersh’s detailed and damning report in The New Yorker was put on the website, fueling the long overdue media frenzy that would ensue for months. [2] When the story ultimately broke, the reactions from both CNN and al Jazeera were somewhat similar in that they both expressed a universal sense of shock and horror concerning the photographs. On the CNN Evening News April 30, 2004, studio anchor Aaron Brown used words like â€Å"mistreated† and â€Å"humiliated† when describing the photos that were playing on the screen. Brown then featured a short piece about the Arab media’s reaction, claiming they were covering it â€Å"like everyone else†. Similarly, al Jazeera correspondents used terms such as â€Å"inhumane† and â€Å"unethical† to describe the abuse. The cameras showed the streets of Baghdad and the people’s reaction and accusations of â€Å"state torture†. 3] Both stations consistently showed the photos during their packages and â€Å"let the pictures speak for themselves†. However, al Jazeera clearly used them in a more â€Å"round the clock† fashion. The primary reactions of both media outlets reflected an overall sense of shame – Americans embarrassed by soldiers and Arabs humiliated by the dishonor those soldiers inflicted. Despite th e likeness of both CNN and al Jazeera’s first coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal, it quickly became evident that their respective media frames would diverge. Like much of their past reporting, al Jazeera remained harshly critical of America and their mission in Iraq. The Abu Ghraib photos only fueled that sentiment, allowing al Jazeera to label Americans as torturers. Furthermore, the Arab network approached their coverage with a more human perspective that focused on the victims and their personal stories. In contrast, American mainstream media essentially joined efforts with the government and went into recovery mode. CNN utilized the actions and statements of government officials to substantiate their packages. This reliance on elites enabled a Western frame of the scandal that made it into an â€Å"American story† of â€Å"isolated abuse† and the desire to place blame. Especially after 9/11, al Jazeera’s war coverage has been hotly contested and often criticized by scholars and American officials alike. At first glance, al Jazeera looks like an American cable news network with its cycle of news shows, graphics, running â€Å"breaking news† headlines, talk show analysts, etc. Essentially, al Jazeera has one foot in Western-style journalism and the other in the political and cultural upheaval that has historically defined the Middle East. This unbreakable connection to the region, the war and it’s victims results in media coverage more prone to show violence and death images Arab nations expect to see in times of war. According to a media analysis of war coverage conducted in 2003 by the School of Media and Public Affairs at George Washington University addressing coverage from March to April 9th (before the Abu Ghraib story broke on April 28), al Jazeera is extremely likely to show gruesome images of dead/wounded soldiers and civilians, whereas Western networks’ stories showed these images only 13. % of the time. [4] Al Jazeera’s bias is undeniable yet it is often misunderstood. Even before 9/11, the network consistently airs Osama bin Laden’s tapes, supposedly for increased understanding of his ideology although it could be interpreted as support. Since the start of the Iraq war, al Jazeera â€Å"presented Iraqi civilians as invaded rather than liberated†, a sentiment that pervade s throughout their war coverage. [5] In a more blatant form of bias, the network also omits details in their coverage that may put American troops in a favorable light. Instead, they still refer viewers back to Abu Ghraib and troop wrongdoings. [6] Even in 2009, al Jazeera had the highest number of prisoner abuse stories. [7] Not surprisingly, these biases have invoked bipartisan criticism in America that suggests a relationship between the network and terrorists and accuses them of anti-American hate that â€Å"deliberately fans the flames of Muslim outrage†. [8] It’s been alleged that the Bush administration went so far as to pressure the government of Qatar to shut down or censure al Jazeera. 9] However, these criticisms usually come from those who rarely watch al Jazeera and don’t speak Arabic. Further understanding of the network in this way would reveal that it is biased in ways most Western news organizations are towards their audiences, advertisers or partisan leanings – it presents the news in the Arab context. In light of the preexisting bias of al Jazeera, the photos from Abu Ghraib were less surprising and mor e so evidence of American foreign policy gone wrong that directly compromised the U. S. mission to win â€Å"hearts and minds†. The war was already viewed as an occupation and these photos demonstrated further acts of aggression. Some have classified the images as an â€Å"expression of an innately vicious American society founded on racism, imperialism, and sadism†, which in the Arab world is nothing but a logical continuation of the American way of life as they understand it. [10] Because the abuses at Abu Ghraib happened in their â€Å"backyard†, al Jazeera is undoubtedly more in tune to the human consequences, especially when two of their own reporters were supposedly detained and tortured at the prison. For this reason, the network’s coverage clearly labeled the atrocities as â€Å"torture† and explicitly blamed America for it with headlines like, â€Å"U. S. FORCES BLAMED†. [11] Yet despite this strong media frame, al Jazeera allows the Iraqi people to have an independent voice. For example, in May of 2004, on the first episode since the abuse scandal of the talk show The Opposite Direction, host Faisal al-Qassem opted to discuss torture of Arabs by Arab governments in Arab prisons, clearly implying that this story is not simply about America. 12] Although the prevailing theme throughout al Jazeera’s coverage of Abu Ghraib centers around anti-American views, the fact that the network covered all of the U. S. congressional hearings on Abu Ghraib suggests that there may be a silver lining for Arabs – Americans are finally holding themselves accountable. Meanwhile, sensitive to patriotic requirements, Western media and CNN eliminated the loaded term, â€Å"torture†, in favor of â€Å"abuse†, and failed to capitalize on the opportunity that the Abu Ghraib scandal presented to them. Independent investigative reporting and diversified political analysis could have facilitated a broader cultural reevaluation of issues such as: America’s purpose in Iraq, the treatment of prisoners, torture’s place in American morality, gender roles in the military, the racial complexities associated with our presence in the Middle East, military hierarchies, accountability of leaders, mental and physical circumstances driving soldiers to torture. 13] CNN posed many of these larger questions during their coverage, however government officials were always given the final word in answering them or ignoring them altogether. The story broke and almost immediately, CNN acknowledged the scandal’s threat to the U. S. mission in Iraq and subsequently formulated their coverage into an â€Å"American story† that was mainly concerned with â€Å"the impact of the photos on support for the war effort and with the integrity of American intentions†. 14] The CNN byline that read, â€Å"The Fight for Iraq†, and the dramatic emotional interview with Charles Graner’s family after his sentencing in January of 2006 illustrates this shift in point of view. [15] This frame, coupled with a general lack of information and access, established a problematic dependence on government officials’ actions, statements, opinions and judgments. This suggests, â€Å"Event-driven frames, particularly in matters of high consequence, are seriously constrained by mainstream news organizations’ deference to political power†. 16] While the administration attempted to contain the scandal by making high-profile speeches that dominated the airwaves, the Western media was further substantiating the administration’s narrative by interviewing and including various government officials’ analysis in almost all their packages and eventually limiting coverage to official proceedings and investigations only. [17] The resu lting news product, as reflected in the CNN archives, tells an oversimplified story that draws misguided conclusions. Consistently classified as â€Å"isolated abuse† at the hands of a â€Å"few bad apples†, the press representation of the atrocities committed at Abu Ghraib discourages high-level accountability, denies victims’ humanity and identity, prevents productive cultural discourse, fails to engage in international diplomacy issues and equates dissent with disloyalty. [18] In the same way that al Jazeera incites opposition with reminders of Abu Ghraib, American media tempers public dissent with reminders of 9/11 and the torturous reign of Saddam Hussein. However, perhaps the most effective government strategy in controlling the message at home and abroad was launching, very publically, investigations and criminal prosecutions of military officials involved in the abuse. Although these proceedings and repercussions indicate a form of accountability, â€Å"critical examination has been limited, and the story has largely been focused on the perpetrators and, to a lesser extent, the role of senior military officials and the command structure†. 19] Therefore, as media coverage and newsworthiness declines over time, the occasional story simply reports the status or outcome of those ongoing trials and proceedings, as was the case with CNN and its sparse, abrupt mentions of Abu Ghraib from December of 2004 until today. [20] This creates a false sense of security in that the problems have been solved. Now boasting over 40 million viewers, al Jazeera is in a position of enormous power and influence, especially in the Arab world. As evidenced by the recent proliferation of Arabic language news stations and the American government’s uncharacteristic efforts to reach out to Arab media after the Abu Ghraib scandal, al Jazeera has become crucial in disseminating an American message to the Middle East. For this reason, both President Bush and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld addressed the Arab world after the scandal broke. In a speech in May of 2004, Bush noted his â€Å"shock and disgust† and apologized for the â€Å"humiliation suffered by the Iraqi prisoners and the humiliation uffered by their families† (though never claiming responsibility). [21] Also, in a rare admission, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice admitted that the station’s coverage of the Iraqi elections and Lebanese protests over Rafik Hariri’s murder had aided the cause of reform. [22] Thus, though the bias exhibited by al Jazeera may not make sense in the Western context or help the American cause, it re mains journalism at its core. Al Jazeera’s power is rooted in its ability to spark public debate about political reform in the Arab world, creating what could be â€Å"the most essential underpinning of a liberal democracy: a free and open critical public space, independent of the state, where citizens can speak their piece and expect to be heard†. [23] This revelation is fundamentally linked to the American goal of establishing democracy in Iraq. Therefore, instead of censoring al Jazeera’s content and competing with established Arab networks for viewership, Western media and Arab media should work together in order to shed light on commonly misunderstood biases and to provide a broader understanding of both perspectives. [24] The American brutality exhibited at Abu Ghraib may not constitute this country’s proudest moment, however, the media circus that it provoked constituted a rare opportunity for the United States to directly interact with the people of the Middle East through a medium that didn’t involve the guns, bombs or torture associated with the American occupation. Though clearly not pro-America, al Jazeera publicizes, gives credibility to, and ensures widespread viewership of the open debate over accepting American support in the Arab quest for political change. This unmatched access requires the West to accept al Jazeera as it is now in order to avoid allegations of hypocrisy within the democracy Americans pride themselves on. Instead of taking a position of superiority in attempting to control the American message to the Middle East regarding Abu Ghraib, the administration and CNN should have facilitated a more open dialogue between networks and their audiences. Journalistic hostility only reinforces established biases and prevents any true progress. If the goal is winning hearts and minds, the U. S. needs an established pool of Arabic speaking representatives, stationed in major Arab cities, whose primary responsibility is to appear on Arab news networks whenever possible. Though not executed properly following the Abu Ghraib scandal, the event itself marked the strong potential for more effective dialogue between nations. Impartial American representatives invited to appear on Arab networks would give the American perspective a rational voice, in turn, â€Å"keeping Arabs honest, while at the same time demonstrating to Arab audiences that America takes them seriously and is willing to debate them on equal footing†. [25] This arrangement appears to be the ultimate expression of press freedom and its inherent responsibility to educate its viewers in a comprehensive manner. Yet the complex relationships between media outlets, ownership, the need to profit, government, and the public, in relation to other networks with differing values, creates a more ambiguous picture. With Wikileaks’ most recent release of the â€Å"Iraq War Files† suggesting further abuse of prisoners by U. S. and Iraqi security forces well after Abu Ghraib, all parties are reminded that the lack of high-level accountability and the media’s refusal to publically grapple with core issues concerning torture still inhibits cross-cultural progress in the Middle East. Incidents and injustices in the â€Å"war on terror† like Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo must end and both the U. S. and Arab nations need to function with more transparency before CNN (Western) and al Jazeera (Arab) can truly respect the integrity of one another in a professional capacity. America cannot abandon the core values of democracy when waging war in foreign lands, especially if the intention is to build a new democratic nation in its place. The current era of terrorism and new-age warfare requires a reevaluation of how democratic principles can be effectively upheld in the fight against terrorism, specifically regarding interrogation. In the war of ideas, the media could play a central role in this self-examination so long as it remains independent and inquisitive. However, until a greater cultural understanding is developed and democratic hypocrisy is eliminated, Western and Arab broadcast networks will remain expressions of their respective cultural and political context, influencing public opinion and reinforcing old narratives among their separate audiences. Although the media coverage of Abu Ghraib failed to initiate productive debate within the gray area that is American superiority and morality in wartime, these miscues illustrate the inherent power media commands over policymaking through the inciting, sustaining and defending of democracy in various capacities. Hopefully we don’t need another Abu Ghraib in order to finally revise our approach to media in the Middle East. Otherwise, the ethnic, religious, cultural and political ivides that have defined the region for thousands of years will only be perpetuated by American insensitivities and the exploitation and manipulation of those indiscretions by biased Arab media networks. Therefore, devoid of overarching intrusive restrictions, the international media’s ability to change public opinion and influence foreign policy is solely dependent on its separation from elite-driven frames and its capacity to build cultural and ideological bridges between nations in times of cr isis and war. McKelvey, Tara. Monstering: inside Americas Policy of Secret Interrogations and Torture in the Terror War. New York: Basic, 2008. (p. XI) [2] Ricchiardi, Sherry, and Melissa Cirillo. Missed Signals. American Journalism Review 26. 4 (2004). [3] CNN News Clippings. Television News Archive. Vanderbilt University. Web. 02 Nov. 2010. . (4/30/04) [4] Aday, S. Embedding the Truth: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Objectivity and Television Coverage of the Iraq War. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 10. 1 (2005): 3-21. [5] Al-Jenaibi, Badreya. The Competition Between Al-Jazeera’s Arab News Diversity and US Channels: Content Analysis of Iraq War. Canadian Social Science 6. 4 (2010): 81-96. (p. 87) [6] Al-Jenaibi, 93. [7] Al-Jenaibi, 92. [8] Lynch, Marc. Watching Al-Jazeera. The Wilson Quarterly 29. 3 (2005): 36-45. (p. 36) [9] Lynch, 45. [10] Anden-Papadopoulos, Kari. The Abu Ghraib Torture Photographs: News Frames, Visual Culture, and the Power of Images. Journalism 9. 1 (2008) (p. 9) [11] Abu Ghraib Headlines. AJE Al Jazeera English. Web. 03 Nov. 2010. . [12] Lynch, 42. [13] Tucker, Bruce, and Sia Triantafyllos. Lynndie England, Abu Ghraib, and the New Imperialism. Canadian Review of American Studies 38. 1 (2008): 83-100. (p. 95) [14] Tucker, 94. [15] CNN News Clippings. (5/2/04) [16] Bennett, W. Lance, Regina G. Lawrence, and Steven Livingston. None Dare Call It Torture: Indexing and the Limits of Press Independence in the Abu Ghraib Scandal. Journal of Communication 56. 3 (2006): 467-85. (p. 481) [17] CNN News Clippings. (4/30/04, 5/2/04, 8/18/04) [18] Aday, S. Embedding the Truth: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of Objectivity and Television Coverage of the Iraq War. The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 10. 1 (2005): 3-21. [19] Tucker, 89. [20] CNN News Clippings. [21] Tucker, 86. [22] Lynch, 39. [23] Lynch, 45. [24] Al-Jenaibi, 94. [25] Lynch, 45.

Literacy is key to success at work - Emphasis

Literacy is key to success at work Literacy is key to success at work Poor literacy at work is still a major problem, new research has found. The report, Literacy: State of the Nation, examined the UKs literacy levels both in schools and in the workplace. While a quarter of young people see no connection between reading and success, the research results made the link clear. Two-thirds of men and three-quarters of women with low literacy levels had never received a promotion. The knock-on effect could be costing the rest of the country too, according to the National Literacy Trust, which published the report. The findings are extremely worrying, says Jonathan Douglas, the Trusts director. It is estimated that poor literacy costs the economy 2.5bn a year. Worrying indeed.

Basic Rhetorical Analysis of Science Fair Project Booklet Essay

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